Metabasis N. 31
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Überwachung, Kontrolle und Freiheit

Überwachung, Kontrolle und Freiheit

Mai 2021 - Jahr XVI - Heft 31

Politische Überlegungen

Sicurezza sanitaria e pandemia: dalla noso-politica alla cura globale.

Rosanna Castorina

DOI: 10.7413/18281567197

La tematica della sicurezza è centrale nella concezione della politica moderna. Si può addirittura dire che la moderna distinzione tra Stato e società civile nasce da un’esigenza difensiva del corpo politico che ha come obiettivo principale la garanzia della sicurezza individuale e collettiva. La sicurezza, infatti, si sostituisce al bene comune, fine prioritario della vita politica activa nella classicità greca e latina.

Abstract

This contribution aims to investigate some philosophical implications of the concept of security/safety in the health field, starting from Foucauldian reflection on noso-politics up to the debate on the governance of medical-hygiene-health policies in the context of today's Covid-19 pandemic. The double meaning of security/safety is accompanied by care, understood as a relational and global dimension that is based on individual and political responsibility, on the promotion of environmental ethics and on a concept of equity that reconciles distributive justice and an empathic-emotional dimension.

«Tutti [gli uomini] (…) aspirano alla libertà, ma, allo stesso tempo, tutti amano la schiavitù». La voluntas quale fons omnis moralitatis nel giusnaturalismo thomasiano.

Gianluca Dioni

DOI: 10.7413/18281567189

Questo lavoro intende delineare il concetto di libertà nell’antropologia politica di Christian Thomasius, tratteggiando una parabola euristica che assume come ‘fuoco’ la dialettica interna all’anima umana tra intelletto e volontà. In particolare, la nostra indagine si concentrerà sull’esame della dottrina matura formulata ne I fondamenti del diritto di natura e delle genti, nel tentativo di dare rilievo alla centralità della volontà nella dinamica dell’agire etico e, allo stesso tempo, cercando di chiarire il grado di libertà delle facoltà, razionale ed appetitiva, attraverso la disamina della dicotomia interna al concetto di necessitas, distinta dal giusnaturalista, conformemente alla filosofia di scuola, in necessità assoluta e necessità ipotetica o relativa.

Abstract

This essay tries to outline the dynamic of the deliberative process in Christian Thomasius’ politic anthropology, in the attempt to rebuild the nature of moral subject’s freedom. Starting from the analysis of the two faculties of the human soul, intellect and will, it comes to highlight the voluntas as active principle, that in his activity always move the intellect, by conditioning it. On the contrary, the last one can recognize the nature of the real good, only when it is not conditioned from the will.of enlarging the political spectrum of political identities in order to reactivate genuine political forces against a-democratic powers.

Ernst Jünger: dalla mobilitazione totale alla spettacolarizzazione della sicurezza.

Giada Fiorese

DOI: 10.7413/18281567203

Il XX secolo è il secolo della guerra par excellence: l’epoca in cui il conflitto irrompe nella normalità del giorno. I due conflitti mondiali hanno occupato gran parte del secolo e hanno stravolto il mondo fino ad allora conosciuto; hanno introdotto un inconsueto livello di brutalità e rivelato un grado di distruttività fino a quel momento inimmaginabile. L’esperienza di massa della morte e del disorientamento collettivo, parallelamente alla vasta mobilitazione di risorse umane e materiali hanno fatto delle due Grandi Guerre l’Apocalisse della modernità, un evento storico più volte interpretato come una guerra civile su scala mondiale che – come un «incendio generale terribilmente devastante» – andava ben oltre lo scontro tradizionale tra grandi potenze. In questo senso, la guerra era anzitutto Weltbürgerkrieg: un «un intrico di conflitti, ben diverso da quello degli stati nazionali in lotta fra loro».

Abstract

Through the analysis of the two world conflicts, Jünger primarily intends to talk about technology. The application of technology in the sphere of war has made the so-called Total Mobilization feasible. The Total Mobilization implies the activation of all the resources of the State, so that the war is transformed into a broad working process involving the community. The concept of Total Mobilization can also be applied to modern society which, in an attempt to defend and guarantee security, is continuously and totally committed in performing immaterial wars and spectacularizing security.

Insurgent violence and defensive violence: understanding the use of political violence by the italian extreme left in the 1960s and 1980s.

Caroline Guibet Lafaye

DOI: 10.7413/18281567191

Dagli anni ‘60 agli anni ‘80 l’Italia ha vissuto una forte ondata di violenza politica che ha coinvolto l’estrema destra, l’estrema sinistra e lo Stato. Per evidenziare i meccanismi che accompagnano l’emergere di questo tipo di fenomeno e il modo in cui i suoi attori vi si relazionano, abbiamo condotto un’indagine sociologica qualitativa su 30 militanti della sinistra extraparlamentare di questo periodo. In contrasto alle ricerche fin qui svolte sul tema (Bosi e Della Porta, 2012; Della Porta, 2013; Sommier, 1992), mostreremo la necessità di sussumere l’interpretazione prammatica della violenza politica nella sua lettura politico-ideologica e proporremo una lettura critica dell’evoluzione temporale di questi modelli secondo le generazioni degli attivisti incontrati, nel senso, ad esempio, che il paradigma della violenza difensiva non interviene nella fase di inasprimento del conflitto ma è già presente dall’inizio. Metteremo in evidenza anche il ruolo della percezione di una chiusura degli spazi politici nei meccanismi di produzione della violenza all’interno dei gruppi politici più militarizzati piuttosto che nel più ampio movimento sociale.

Abstract

Italy in the 1960s and 1980s experienced a remarkable wave of political violence involving the extreme right, the extreme left and the State. In order to highlight the mechanisms accompanying the emergence of this type of phenomenon and the way in which the violence actors relate to it, we conducted a qualitative sociological survey of 30 extra-parliamentary left-wing activists from this period. In opposition to the researches done so far on the topic (Bosi and Della Porta, 2012; Della Porta, 2013; Sommier, 1992), we will show the need to include the pragmatic interpretation of political violence in its politico-ideological paradigm and to propose a critical reading of the temporal evolution of these patterns according to the generations of activists encountered, in the sense, for example, that the paradigm of defensive violence does not intervene in the “escalation” phase of the conflict but from its origin. We will also highlight the role of the perception of a closure of political opportunities in the mechanisms of production of violence within the most militarized political groups rather than in the broader social movement.

Homo homini noxius. Biopolitica di uno stato d’eccezione.

Raffaella Sabra Palmisano

DOI: 10.7413/18281567199

L’attuale situazione di emergenza sanitaria e il conseguente ingresso nel linguaggio quotidiano del nuovo concetto di “distanziamento sociale” permettono di riflettere sul rapporto tra il sociale quotidiano e il politico. Partendo dalla considerazione di Paul L. Berger e Thomas Luckmann per i quali il linguaggio è parte integrante della costruzione sociale della realtà, l’immissione nel linguaggio di un concetto sembra non poter non avere un rapporto di co-costruzione con l’immaginario politico e dunque con la realtà sociale.

Abstract

Contemporary philosophical and political debate is increasingly focusing on the question of the state of exception and biopolitics. The ongoing pandemic inevitably leads to questions about the relationship between politics, language and body. In this article the question is analyzed from a political point of view starting from the theory of reality as a social construction that develops through language and has an inevitable impact on bodies (a deeply political impact). A reflection on the relationship between politics, bodies and language cannot currently disregard the relationship between fear and consensus in the current post-global era.

Distanza, controllo, sorveglianza. Nuove categorie del politico?

Fabrizio Sciacca

DOI: 10.7413/18281567190

La filosofia politica oggi è chiamata a una verifica, se non a una presa d’atto, di una trasformazione. Questa trasformazione, in corso o già avvenuta, riguarda i concetti di distanza sociale, controllo e sorveglianza.

Abstract

There is more and more talk about distance, surveillance and control as tools of political power over individuals in a given society. In this paper I analyse these concepts in order to try to understand whether we can speak of new political categories.

Philosophische Aussichten

L’utopia e i suoi volumi: profili simbolico-politici dell’architettura medioevale e rinascimentale.

Giuseppe Maria Ambrosio

DOI: 10.7413/18281567201

In un saggio dal titolo Utopia: il luogo ectopico del pensiero e del potere, incluso in un seminale lavoro del 1990, Giulio Maria Chiodi definisce l’utopia politica come «perdita-ricerca-bisogno di un centro di esistenza e di valori che porta ad una ricostruzione immaginaria, in cui si ricompongono delle identità simboliche dissociate o disconosciute, con la coscienza dell’impossibilità della loro realizzazione concreta» . È da tale riflessione, e dai possibili sviluppi che essa offre, che prenderemo le mosse per una serie di considerazioni sul rapporto tra i luoghi dell’utopico e quelli del reale.

Abstract

The following paper aims to analyse the symbolic-political structures of the utopic imaginary, particularly focusing on the Late Medieval and Renaissance literary and architectural sources. A theoretical distinction is preliminarily made between the concepts of “utopian genotype” and “utopian phenotype”, characterized by a different force of attraction to the real world, as well as by different actors and forms of exercise (i.e. the intellectual and the book; the architect and the volumes). A second paragraph deals with ideal architectures within some famous utopian books of the Renaissance. A third and final paragraph compares the utopian vision of the architect – on hold between an ideal model and its structural requirements – , and the contemporary will to power of the sovereign, in turn in search of new forms of domination and control.

The colors of pacifism between the XIX and XX centuries

Claudio Giulio Anta

DOI: 10.7413/18281567198

Through the reflections of contemporary philosophers and sociologists, such as Norberto Bobbio, Mulford Quickert Sibley, Wilhelm Emil Mühlmann, Michael Allen Fox, David Cortright, Larry May, John Rawls, Eric Reitan, Johan Galtung and David Boersema, this article reconstructs the lively debate on the pacifism between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It was animated by prestigious intellectuals: from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, to Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Bertrand Russell, Sigmund Freud and Albert Einstein via John Atkinson Hobson, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, Friedrich Nietzsche, Norman Angell, Romain Rolland, Richard Nikolaus Coudenhove- Kalergi, Luigi Einaudi, Lord Lothian and Lionel Robbins. They encapsulated the main dilemmas derived from the changed political conditions of their time: the crisis of internationalism, the affirmation of imperialism, the spread of irrationalism, the beginning of the Great War, the establishment and failure of the League of Nations, the consolidation of totalitarian regimes, the outbreak of the Second World War, and the escalation of the Cold War. They developed various ideas and models which could ideally be linked to a “positive pacifism” according to which, as foretold by Baruch Spinoza, peace could not be conceived as mere absence of war, but above all the presence of justice, law and order (“Pax enim non belli privatio”).

Abstract

Through the reflections of contemporary philosophers and sociologists, such as Norberto Bobbio, Mulford Quickert Sibley, Wilhelm Emil Mühlmann, Michael Allen Fox, David Cortright, Larry May, John Rawls, Eric Reitan, Johan Galtung and David Boersema, this article reconstructs the lively debate on the pacifism between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It was animated by prestigious intellectuals: from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, to Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Bertrand Russell, Sigmund Freud and Albert Einstein via John Atkinson Hobson, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, Friedrich Nietzsche, Norman Angell, Romain Rolland, Richard Nikolaus Coudenhove- Kalergi, Luigi Einaudi, Lord Lothian and Lionel Robbins. They encapsulated the main dilemmas derived from the changed political conditions of their time: the crisis of internationalism, the affirmation of imperialism, the spread of irrationalism, the beginning of the Great War, the establishment and failure of the League of Nations, the consolidation of totalitarian regimes, the outbreak of the Second World War, and the escalation of the Cold War. They developed various ideas and models which could ideally be linked to a “positive pacifism” according to which, as foretold by Baruch Spinoza, peace could not be conceived as mere absence of war, but above all the presence of justice, law and order (“Pax enim non belli privatio”).

Myth, ideology and praxis in direct democracy. An exploratory enquiry.

Paolo Bellini

DOI: 10.7413/18281567196

The origins of Direct democracy as a form of government can easily be traced back to the historical-political experience of ancient Athens in the V-IV centuries BC. Despite being included among the forms of government in ancient and medieval treatises, together with Monarchy (the government of one), Aristocracy (the government of a few) and their possible degenerations (cf. the Platonic-Aristotelian model), Direct democracy was no longer practiced in later centuries, with the exception of some well-defined and limited circumstances, and it never became a dominant form in a systemic way. For a long time, it was essentially considered an experiment that was neither repeatable nor desirable. After the French Revolution, which was anticipated, in many respects, by the First and Second English Revolutions (1642-1689) and by the American Revolution (1775-1783), the principle of popular sovereignty emerged in Europe and America; it gave rise to the first modern democracies, which, however, contrary to the Greek example, were representative democracies from the beginning. Such a principle, however, had and still has a far-reaching symbolic and ideological value for direct democracy as well, since it transfers the legitimation of power from a theological and/or metaphysical dimension (coinciding with the divine will or with some abstract, self-subsisting idea as the Platonic good) to a purely human level, stating that power always stems from the people, who originally hold it.

Abstract

The origins of Direct democracy as a form of government can easily be traced back to the historical-political experience of ancient Athens in the V-IV centuries BC. Despite being included among the forms of government in ancient and medieval treatises, together with Monarchy (the government of one), Aristocracy (the government of a few) and their possible degenerations (cf. the Platonic-Aristotelian model), Direct democracy was no longer practiced in later centuries, with the exception of some well-defined and limited circumstances, and it never became a dominant form in a systemic way. For a long time, it was essentially considered an experiment that was neither repeatable nor desirable. After the French Revolution, which was anticipated, in many respects, by the First and Second English Revolutions (1642-1689) and by the American Revolution (1775-1783), the principle of popular sovereignty emerged in Europe and America; it gave rise to the first modern democracies, which, however, contrary to the Greek example, were representative democracies from the beginning. Such a principle, however, had and still has a far-reaching symbolic and ideological value for direct democracy as well, since it transfers the legitimation of power from a theological and/or metaphysical dimension (coinciding with the divine will or with some abstract, self-subsisting idea as the Platonic good) to a purely human level, stating that power always stems from the people, who originally hold it.

‘Big states’ or ‘small states’? Jacob Burckhardt and political participation.

Luca Gasbarro

DOI: 10.7413/18281567193

This contribution aims at investigating if, among the points to ponder identified by an author like Jacob Burckhardt, there are some ideas that might suggest a predilection for an ideal political model that includes and promotes, somehow, political participation. A dilemma that has two possible solutions: big states or small states.

Abstract

This contribution aims at investigating if, among the points to ponder identified by an author like Jacob Burckhardt, there are some ideas that might suggest a predilection for an ideal political model that includes and promotes, somehow, political participation. A dilemma that has two possible solutions: big states or small states.

Cristianesimo e modernità politica. Il problema teologico-politico nell’ultimo Kant.

Salvatore Muscolino

DOI: 10.7413/18281567194

L’influsso di John Rawls nel dibattito filosofico-politico degli ultimi decenni ha reso il paradigma kantiano un punto di riferimento imprescindibile per tutti coloro i quali, pur operando in un contesto culturale secolarizzato e dominato dalla “morte di Dio”, intendono mantenere una tensione critico-normativa nei confronti della realtà. L’opera di Rawls ha avuto anche un altro effetto importante cioè quello di rinforzare la convinzione che il pensiero di Kant sia da includere nella grande tradizione del liberalismo.

Abstract

In this paper I will analyse the religious issue in the late Kantian work. I argue that Kant’s reflections on Christianity have to be strictly connected with those on law and history. This connection lead us to the political theological problem which is crucial in the case of Hegel as well. In the Encyclopedia Hegel explicitly takes inspiration from Kant who thinks that the problem of that age is the relation between religion and law. That is why Kant cannot be considered a liberal thinker because religion is not a mere private question for him but it has a public importance within his modern conception of history. In this sense, I also argue that Kant’s judgment on Christianity is more negative than that of Hegel who attributes a more positive value to religious beliefs in the history of Spirit.

Migrare come critica. Riflessioni sul messianesimo politico di Erich Unger.

Ernesto C. Sferrazza Papa

DOI: 10.7413/18281567195

Non vi è dubbio che nel dibattito contemporaneo, sia esso di natura pubblica o strettamente accademica, la questione migratoria occupi un ruolo centrale e decisivo. I dati raccolti da agenzie governative e private mostrano ormai da anni un incremento costante dei flussi migratori, e ciò suggerisce una tendenza destinata a perdurare e accelerare. Il crescente squilibrio tra Paesi ricchi e Paesi poveri, la crescente invivibilità di alcune zone del mondo, ma anche il desiderio di migliori condizioni di vita sono fattori determinanti nello scenario politico globale che condiziona gli attuali spostamenti di esseri umani.

Abstract

The present article aims at analysing Erich Unger’s Politik und Metaphysik, his main philosophical text. Even though this text, published in 1921, has been almost forgotten by philosophical literature, we suggest it can be reconsidered in its hidden potentiality, especially if we want to better understand contemporary migrant crisis. The paper is structured as follows: after a brief consideration on Walter Benjamin’s uses of Unger’s thesis, the essay investigates the messianic dimension of human movement discussed in Politik und Metaphysik, which is, at the end, an attempt to actualize the biblical imagine of the exodus. At the end, the paper suggests understanding human migration as a critique of the world.

Metabasis N. 31
Digital Edition

peer review

Wird jeder Essay von 2 Referees anonym bewertet und ihre Kommentare werden dem Autor des Essays zurückgeschickt.

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