Metabasis N. 26
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Tolerancia, libertad y poder

Tolerancia, libertad y poder

Noviembre 2018 - Año XIII - Número 26

Reflexiones políticas

Il prisma della violenza e la Gorgone del potere: T. W. Adorno, V. Grossman, E. Canetti, W. Benjamin

Libero Federici

DOI: 10.7413/18281567128

L’etimologia del termine “violenza”, di origini indoeuropee, accosta il concetto di vita e forza vitale. Il latino violentia deriva da vis che traduce il greco bia, termine avente la stessa radice del concetto di vita, bios, usato altresì per indicare l’uso della forza fisica. Il concetto di violenza è dunque etimologicamente legato alla forza e alla vita.

Abstract

Through the reflections of T. W. Adorno, V. Grossman, E. Canetti and W. Benjamin, this essay outlines how human relations and political space, with their asymmetries and hierarchies, are often characterized by strong prevarications and harsh coercions. When the affirmation of subjugating power and violence distinguish the interhuman and political dimension to the point of becoming its emblem, the human is shown to be anti-human.

La retorica politica del disgusto e l’ambivalenza della tolleranza

Giada Fiorese

DOI: 10.7413/18281567130

Il termine tolleranza non ha un’accezione assoluta ed universale: può significare la non accettazione di un'idea considerata falsa o di un’azione ritenuta sbagliata, parallelamente al riconoscimento di una piena dignità umana e dei diritti fondamentali ad essa connessi. L'idea di tolleranza è spesso legata al concetto di virtù, al dovere morale di agire per proteggere la libertà individuale e collettiva al fine di garantire il benessere della società ed il libero mercato delle idee.

Abstract

As stated by Plato, there’s a strong link between words and thoughts: words become ideas and actions and they define the way a human being represent his own world. Which ideas and facts does the word tolerance evoke? This term seems ethically paradoxical: tolerance is a muddled concept full of contradictions, then there’s the need to clarify it in relation to the rhetorical strategies of political power, which through the use of a specific language, sometimes convey the idea of an Other, intended as a social and cultural alterity. Moreover, within a liberal democracy, where pluralism and free speech are founding values, political rhetoric can not be silenced and it sometimes ends up creating an ambiguity between tolerance and intolerance.

Le presunte libertà del lavoratore nella società contemporanea

Michela Luzi

DOI: 10.7413/18281567134

Il capitalismo ha ridotto l’individuo a merce, con la conseguente perdita di capacità di fare rivendicazioni di tipo morale. Infatti non esiste alcuna responsabilità etica verso un lavoratore concepito come merce che diventa solo uno dei tanti fattori del processo produttivo, non molto differente dalle macchine. Ciò ha determinato inevitabilmente una riduzione della libertà individuale, che è strettamente correlata all’incremento delle incertezze del vivere quotidiano. Ne consegue una difficoltà di pensare e costruire un proprio futuro, che ha nella stabilità di una decorosa condizione lavorativa una delle sue pietre angolari.

Abstract

Capitalism has transformed the individual into commodity, without capacity to make claims of moral type. In fact there is no ethical responsibility towards a worker conceived as a commodity, become only one of the many factors of the production process, not very different from the machines. This inevitably led to a reduction in individual freedom, which is closely related to the increase in the uncertainties of everyday life. It follows a difficulty in thinking and building one's own future, which has one of its cornerstones in the stability of a dignified working condition.

La tolérance dans les états démocratiques

Bantchin Napakou

DOI: 10.7413/18281567135

La démocratie repose sur des principes qui font de l’homme le fondement de ses propres valeurs. Elle n’acquiert sa véritable signification que dans la recherche du bonheur tant individuel que collectif. Elle est donc un système politique qui fait de la liberté, une valeur cardinale. Cette référence à la liberté permet la coexistence au sein d’une même entité politique de plusieurs cultures, religions et idéologies qui ne sauraient constituées en elles-mêmes un obstacle.

Abstract

Democracy is a political system in which the citizens decide themselves upon the way they want to be governed. It is founded on the recognition on the recognition of equal rights for all citizens without distinction. However the freedom, second democratic principle promotes through the tolerance the expression of diversity. The consideration of differences in the implementation of the principles of justice redefines the ethical and political challenges of the democracy. Admittedly, the tolerance is a vital requirement in a world marked by a plurality of identities by which the citizens are defined and are distinguished. However, it is through an identity rebuilding of the difference that the humanity of each one can open to others. The identity open to the diversity and diversity sensitive to our humanity are the basis for the ethics of identity. The ethics of identity reconciles the human unity and diversity from the point of view of a policy of the recognition through an right integration of the various identities.

Il fondamento comunicativo del repubblicanesimo kantiano

Flavio Silvestrini

DOI: 10.7413/18281567138

Per arrivare a definire i fondamenti della razionalità politica, possibile solo nella cornice del repubblicanesimo, Kant recupera alla vita activa – orientata a riconoscere e tutelare pubblicamente libertà, eguaglianza e indipendenza – la dimensione comunicativa che ha già indagato con lo studio della ragione umana. Al centro del sistema repubblicano dei diritti viene posto il principio trascendentale della Publicität: se la forma pubblica e intersoggettiva del pensiero è garanzia della sua validità, la stessa forma, qualora animi il dibattito sulle leggi pubbliche, è garanzia della loro coerenza con i principi puri del diritto.

Abstract

In order to define the foundations of political rationality, which is possible only in the framework of republicanism, Kant connects the communicative dimension of the vita activa – devoted to public recognition and protection of freedom, equality and independence – to the conclusions already reached about human reason. The transcendental principle of Publicität lies at the centre of the republican system of rights: if the public and intersubjective form of reason is the guarantee of its own validity, the same form, if it outlines the debate on public laws, is a guarantee of their coherence with pure principles of right. Investigating the intellective and political processes related to republican citizenship, Kant focuses on the public and communicative role of the philosopher, in supporting the synchronic progress of mankind towards enlightenment and republicanism.

Il mito della tolleranza nella civiltà occidentale. Riflessioni sulla sua genesi e sulla sua valenza simbolico-politica.

Erasmo Silvio Storace

DOI: 10.7413/18281567139

La tolleranza, universalmente riconosciuta come uno dei valori cardinali su cui si fonda l'Occidente, sicuramente si afferma a cavallo tra XVII e XVIII secolo, sulla scorta degli slanci umanistici e rinascimentali dei secoli precedenti. Ciononostante, l'articolo che segue cerca di mostrare che tale valore vanta una genesi molto più antica, che affonda le sue radici nelle civiltà greca e romana, e soprattutto nella dimensione del mito, che da sempre funge da fondamento e da collante dell'immaginario collettivo di un popolo, in quanto origine della sua identità socio-politica. Di qui la necessità di tornare a indagare la tolleranza in quanto dimensione di potere, indagandone la genesi e la struttura, ma soprattutto la valenza simbolica.

Abstract

Tolerance, universally recognized as one of the cardinal values on which the West is founded, certainly established itself at the turn of the 17th and the 18th centuries, on the basis of the humanistic and Renaissance outbursts of the previous centuries. Nevertheless, the following article tries to show that this value has a much older genesis, which has its roots in Greek and Roman civilizations, and above all in the dimension of myth, which has always been the foundation and glue of the collective imaginary of a people, as the origin of its socio-political identity. Hence the need to restart examining tolerance as a dimension of power, inspecting its genesis and structure, but above all its symbolic value.

Horizontes filosóficos

On the meaningfulness of self-referring sentences

Stefano Colloca

DOI: 10.7413/18281567127

The paper in the first place aims to clarify the concept of self-referring sentence through a revision of the standard account; in the second place it deals with the meaningfulness of the self-referring sentence ‘What I am hereby asserting is true’; in the third place it discusses the advantages and limits of the Rylean namely-rider approach to the problem of self-referring sentences.

Abstract

The paper in the first place aims to clarify the concept of self-referring sentence through a revision of the standard account; in the second place it deals with the meaningfulness of the self-referring sentence ‘What I am hereby asserting is true’; in the third place it discusses the advantages and limits of the Rylean namely-rider approach to the problem of self-referring sentences.

Brainframe, tecnologia e legami sociali: la fiducia nell’era dei social network

Fabio Ferrara

DOI: 10.7413/18281567129

Viviamo oggi in un’epoca dove i legami sociali sono contraddistinti da una crescente mediazione tecnologica, i cui effetti – sebbene non direttamente percepibili alla coscienza degli individui – condizionano la forma mentis, o più nello specifico, il brainframe dell’uomo contemporaneo. Questo termine, un neologismo composto dall’unione delle parole brain (cervello) e frame (cornice, struttura), fa riferimento ad una teoria considerante il cervello nella sua totalità, come un ecosistema in costante interazione con tecnologia e cultura.

Abstract

In our age, social relations are characterized by an increase in the technological mediation, that produces effects on the man’s brainframe, causing a change in personal relationships. This condition characterizes the postmodern society and encouraged the emergence of a new form of socialization based on a virtual dimension. This is evident on social media networks. These websites, have introduced new problems concerning the identity of individuals. In our opinion, this situation has led to a weakening in the relationship between people, especially with regard to the trust.

La figure mélancolique dans une tragédie du XVIIe siècle: Phèdre, Jean Racine

Karine Gauthey

DOI: 10.7413/18281567131

« Qui n’est pas fou? Qui est exempt de la mélancolie? Qui n’est pas plus ou moins touché par elle de façon passagère ou permanente? » C’est de la façon suivante que s’exprime Robert Burton dans son Anatomie de la mélancolie (publiée en 1621), qui constitue la première encyclopédie sur ce thème. La substance mélancolique, à l’origine bile noire, ne cesse de préoccuper les esprits.

Abstract

We’ll question the preconceptions about melancholy in the baroque. This melancholy has its particularities: it emphasises a particular physiological state which stems from the loss of psychological abilities, it is seen by Racine through the prism of Classicism, and it’s only considered from a moral perspective – one that highlights the character’s responsibility towards his behavior.

Dilemmi politici della modernità: linee di dibattito filosofico-sociologico

Francesco Giacomantonio

DOI: 10.7413/18281567132

Il concetto di modernità e i numerosi fenomeni ad essa associati costituiscono temi di riflessione fortemente dibattuti soprattutto negli ultimi decenni dell’età contemporanea. Certamente è noto che l’idea di modernità si afferma soprattutto come dimensione storico-cronologica utilizzata per descrivere una determinata fase evolutiva della civiltà umana, in particolare europea e occidentale. Questa fase viene solitamente collocata a partire da una serie di eventi-processi, che hanno avuto luogo in Europa dal XVI e XVII secolo: le scoperte geografiche, le guerre di religione e la Riforma protestante, la formazione degli Stati nazione, lo sviluppo del metodo scientifico, l’insorgere del sistema economico di tipo capitalistico.

Abstract

The essay proposes an essential possible guide about some main questions that seem to characterize the philosophical-sociological debate concerning Modernity and politics. Just considering the problems connected with social effects of Modernity, with their extremism in the so called post-modernity, with the globalization and with the role of Europe, it’s possible to point out an useful basic contextualization of this kind of themes, in order to avoid the danger of ideological drifts about important concepts of contemporary culture.

La “legge sulla cittadinanza” nel teatro di Euripide

Anna Jellamo

DOI: 10.7413/18281567133

Nel 451/450 fu approvata ad Atene su proposta di Pericle una legge che ridefiniva i requisiti per il riconoscimento dello status di cittadino. Tale legge riconosceva lo status di cittadino solo ai figli di genitori entrambi ateniesi.

Abstract

In 451/450 BC, under Pericles' proposal, a new law redefining the prerequisites for citizenship was approved in Athens: citizenship was confined to those individuals whose parents were both Athenians (Arist., Ath. Pol., 26, 4; Plut., Per., 37, 3-4); “bastard” sons (nothoi) were excluded. This law has been the object of heated debate concerning both its intended subjects and its possible effect on inheritance and adoption. According to many scholars, the new law only barred the offspring of foreign mothers from citizenship; according to some others, it also excluded the offspring of unmarried Athenian parents. The question of nothoi comes into play in three of Euripides' tragedies: Hippolytus, Medea, and Ion. As is widely known, Attic tragedy was closely associated with the juridical and political reality of Athens; with regard to the new citizenship law, Euripides' tragedies represent a precious clue to solve the above-mentioned issues.

Simboli politici e realtà del corpo

Giuliana Parotto

DOI: 10.7413/18281567136

Il corpo ha da sempre, come continua ad avere, un’enorme forza simbolica. Non soltanto è matrice di un infinito numero di metafore, dalla bocca del tunnel alle gambe del tavolo, ma ha anche, storicamente, avuto una funzione difficilmente sottovalutabile quale metafora dell’ordine politico.

Abstract

The article analyses the role of the body as a symbol of political order and source of legitimacy. The first part is dedicated to this symbol in classical thought, in which, although it is articulated in different ways, it shows how the body has an explanatory and legitimizing function of the political order. A second part is dedicated to the thematization of the body in Post-modern thought and the transformation of the relationship between body and political order. With this transformation the ancient paradigm is overturned and the body is interpreted as crystallization of the social order. A third point briefly analyses some of the theses of New Realism in relation to the problems of the body.

Politica e simbolica della differenza. Spunti di riflessione.

Fiammetta Ricci

DOI: 10.7413/18281567137

Ripensare la differenza nelle sue varie accezioni (sessuale, politica, religiosa, antropologica, ecc.) implica, innanzitutto, non cercare di de-finirla ricorrendo ad una logica gerarchizzante. Piuttosto, occorre tener presente che essa presuppone e mette in luce tutti i molteplici significati della parola differire: la polisemia del differire chiama in sé un ripensamento dell’identico e dell’identità, ma anche l’irriducibilità della persona all’interno di processi plurimi e policontestuali.

Abstract

The choice of a symbolic reading that allows to understand the deep grammar of relationships between equality and difference, is the opportunity to retrieve parched meanings and identify reasons and values of commonality, subtracting them from artificial social organization. And in this sense the symbolic dimension, which, by its nature, involves and unifies the components of collective life in the rational and psycho-emotional dimensions, shows itself as the key to ethical thinking about sexual difference and as care and unification of a link between donation and subtraction, between parts and the whole, between reality and creative imagination.

Metabasis N. 26
edición digital

peer review

Cada ensayo de la revista es examinado por dos referees anónimos cuiyas observaciónes seran enviadas a l’autor.

Ficha de evaluación

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